Worship

"This Republic of Suffering"

A sermon by Mr. Ted Fetter from the UU Congregation of Princeton
May 24, 2009

SERMON:

As our nation observes Memorial Day this year, we must think again about the ways in which our country calls on its citizens to serve, and especially how our country calls on its citizens to consider military duty and to risk a soldier's death. This is a tough subject for many of us, especially in this time of long, unwanted, and unclear wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Let me be clear that I am one of millions who oppose the war in Iraq and are dubious about the war in Afghanistan. I am convinced that the war in Iraq reflects bad foreign policy, badly carried out. The war in Afghanistan is more confusing, with any notion of success seemingly impossible to identify or measure. Clearly, both wars carry an enormous cost. Let us focus today on the human cost. Thousands of those who have volunteered for military duty are back on their second tour of duty, their third tour, and perhaps more, risking again the loss and the grieving which war inevitably requires many to suffer.

A remarkable history book was published a year ago called This Republic of Suffering, by an American historian who is now the president of Harvard University, Drew Gilpin Faust. She writes of the Civil War and particularly of death in the Civil War. Her account is important as we try to understand the meaning of war, the meaning of the suffering and the death, and the result that emerges afterwards.

As Faust reminds us, the impact of the Civil War on American society was huge. More than three million Americans were soldiers, about 100 times the number of soldiers in the Revolution. An equivalent percentage today would be 30 million. And the losses from the Civil War were truly staggering, having an impact never seen before or since in the United States. The deaths directly due to the war, on the battlefield or from disease, are estimated at 620,000, or about 2% of the population of the United States at the time. That is six times more than the American casualty rate in World War II.

Such a toll had to change the nation, and it did. First, of course, with the use of photography, Americans actually saw war for the first time, terrible and cruel. There is a quote from the New York Times on Matthew Brady's pictures of the Battle of Antietam, "If Brady has not brought bodies and laid them in our dooryards and along the streets, he has done something very like it." Parallels are plain to the Vietnam War, said to be the first war fought on television, and to the war in Iraq, when embedded reporters at the start, seemingly many years ago, allowed us a virtual participation in the actual battles. But there was more. The Civil War was the first in which Americans paid special honor to those who fought and especially to those who died. Americans had to find the mechanisms to manage the deaths that accumulated - the process of dying, killing, burying, numbering, and remembering those who sacrificed, both the soldiers who died and the loved ones who grieved. Means were developed to keep records, to identify the dead, to inform the families, and to honor them. A system of national cemeteries grew up after the war, and more than 300,000 Union soldiers were reinterred in 74 national cemeteries.

And the nation created a day each year to honor the dead. In 1868 General John Logan ordered that May 30 be set aside as the date "for strewing flowers or otherwise decorating the graves of comrades who died in defense of their country during the late rebellion." Decoration Day later became Memorial Day as we observe it today.

But what does it all mean? What does that service and those deaths signify for us? Faust's book helps us to understand the Civil War experience, and it very much established a culture we recognize today. The prominent Unitarian Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. had much to say on this topic. Holmes fought in the Civil War and was wounded three times, before he returned to Massachusetts to undertake a prominent legal career capped by three decades on the United States Supreme Court. In a famous Memorial Day address in 1895, he gave us these three insights about his military service:

--War, when you are it, is horrible and dull. It is only when time has passed that you see that its message was divine.
--I do not know what is true. But in the midst of doubt, in the collapse of creeds, there is one thing I do not doubt, and that is that the faith is true and adorable which leads a soldier to throw away his life in obedience to a blindly accepted duty, in a cause which he little understands, in a plan of campaign of which he has little notion, under tactics of which he does not see the use.
--We have shared the incommunicable experience of war; we have felt, we still feel, the passion of life to its top. This is also part of the soldier's faith: having known great things, to be content with silence.

Faust's new book expands on these thoughts. The war itself was mostly a time of waiting for something to happen - sometimes anything to happen - waiting in the worst of environments, with mud and misery and disease. And yet when battle occurred it was awful, horrible and filled with awe. Bodies piled up, wounded lay untreated, and the work of friends and comrades was to deal with the wounded and bodies, and to notify the loved ones.

A strong concept of the Good Death formed in the Civil War and remains in our culture today. Soldiers died for God and Country. One Southern soldier wrote, "I come into this war to lay down my life. My first desire should be not that I might escape death but that my death should help the cause of the right to triumph." A soldier's family had to know that he "died well," with exemplary behavior of patriotism and duty and with faith. Thousands of letters back home told of soldiers' bravery and of their willingness to die in the cause.

The concept of the Good Death was most memorably enunciated by Lincoln in the Gettysburg Address. We all know the words. "The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated this ground, far above our poor power to add or detract. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. From these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion." The idea that soldiers died so the nation might live, that the obligation of citizens to the state included a willingness to risk their lives in fighting its battles, came to be widely adopted in the Civil War, and it has firmly rooted in our national culture.

But of course as the war pressed on it became more and more difficult to assume that there was any divine plan in waging it. Both sides considered the war to be just and right. The Union fought for the preservation of the nation itself and, later, for the freedom of the enslaved and even for the idea that all men [and women] are created equal. Noble causes, indeed. The Confederacy fought to resist the invasion of their homeland, and to battle those who would change their way of life. Also, potentially noble, from a different perspective.

Yes, it can be noble to die for a cause, but as the sheer number of dead mounted, it became more and more difficult not to react to the carnage. Soldiers at times coped with the suffering by becoming indifferent; they became hardened or calloused to the death around them. "Battle changed the living to the dead, humans into animals, and strong men into boys crying like children," Faust writes. The survivors, of course, could be just as dehumanized as the dead in this process, and many thousands of soldiers were never the same for the rest of their lives. Today we share real concern about Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, the effect of war's experience on the survivors. Military suicides and acts of violence are growing ever more common.

Death was no longer merely an individual event, Faust observes; its actuality became the most widely shared experience of the war. There was a profound balance between the individuality of each death and the mass experience of Death. The strong efforts after the war to identify as many fallen soldiers as possible, to leave the fewest number unknown in unmarked graves showed a commitment to the individual's experience. Honoring individual soldiers showed respect for the wives and parents and children for whom it was intolerable for their loss to remain unrecognized. But that was only part of the story. Counting the casualties and fully accounting for everyone aggregated the suffering. The statistics give us language to express the magnitude of the destruction. They make the loss part of one national experience. Both aspects were important in the Civil War, and both remain so today.

So, in the end, what can we take from the Civil War in trying to understand the meaning of military service and sacrifice? The question was asked throughout that war, and Faust asks it repeatedly in her book. She prints the lyrics from a song of the war years. Entitled "My God! What is this all for," the verse asks:

Oh great god! What means this carnage,
Why this fratricidal strife,
Brethren made in your own image
Seeking for each other's life?

Neither that song nor much else Faust cites offers a satisfactory answer. We fight for God and country, they all said. But of course Lincoln pointed out that both sides prayed to the same God and both sides invoked God's aid against each other. It has been said that war will never decide who is right; it can only determine who is left. In the Civil War experience, eventually the memorials to the event itself, to those who suffered and died, and to the larger nationalism the war produced established the meaning. Honoring those who served was purpose enough.

And yet that leaves us hungry for more, at least it does for me. We cannot be sure that any meaning exists in the face of such loss and grief, unless I suppose we are sure that the purpose of the war is inextricably bound up with our own larger purpose, that for the country to prevail in its military policy will make the world a better place.

The soldiers said again and again that the experience of war was incommunicable, indescribable. The experience and the suffering exceeded language and understanding, it went beyond meaning to a kind of pure experience, something shared only with comrades in arms, perhaps shared only inside oneself. Once more I quote Oliver Wendell Holmes: "having known great things, to be content with silence."

And this perhaps is where we must leave the question of meaning. Knowing that our soldiers, both in the Civil War and today in Iraq and Afghanistan, are coming face to face with things they find exhilarating, things they find abhorrent, things they find impossible to understand, and things they find unable to communicate. We must find ways to invite them back, back to home, back to health, and back into the larger community of our country. We must find ways to help them be whole.

None of this is about whether we support the current war or not. It is about recognizing that the men and women who answer the call to be willing to fight are part of our community, part of the whole fabric of national life. Let us then honor them for their service, their sacrifice, and their suffering.